Introduction
The recent dismissal by Vice President Jagdeo of a potential referendum on the ExxonMobil contract renegotiation exposes deeper questions about the government’s true commitment to securing better terms for Guyana’s oil resources. His announcement ruling out a referendum alongside the 2025 elections – notably made without any statement from President Ali – adds another layer to the administration’s puzzling and anti-nationalist approach to contract renegotiation.
A recent survey I conducted showed that 94% of Guyanese support the renegotiation of the Stabroek Block PSA, presenting a compelling mandate for action. This overwhelming public sentiment has made the referendum question unavoidable, though it would not usually arise in relation to a matter of this nature. The call for a referendum has gained oxygen only because the Government and Jagdeo have refused to do what they promised to do and what the 2016 Agreement expressly allows. Article 32.1 of the Production Sharing Agreement explicitly provides a mechanism for changes to the Agreement. Yet, after four years in office, the government hasn’t taken even the preliminary step to initiate the process.
Constitutional and statutory disorder
The Government’s resistance to public involvement extends beyond mere inaction. Through the Vice President, the oil minister and the Attorney General, it has actively stymied citizens’ efforts to bring Exxon & Co to heel by taking the side of Exxon in any legal action against exploitation, granting Exxon every space and decision it requires and demonstrating a general failure to hold Exxon accountable. This stance starkly contrasts with Jagdeo’s pre-2020 declarations that “they sold us out to the foreigners” and his vow to renegotiate what he then termed a lopsided contract.
What makes this situation particularly troubling is that such a consequential decision about Guyana’s oil patrimony was announced not by President Ali, who holds constitutional authority over such matters, or by the Prime Minister, who is constitutionally the First Vice President, but by his Vice President. This irregular chain of command raises serious questions about who truly drives Guyana’s oil sector policy. The President’s silence while his Vice President makes pronouncements on matters of supreme national importance represents a troubling abdication of executive responsibility. The Constitution vests the President with executive authority to ensure clear, accountable leadership – not a ceremonial role.
This breakdown in proper constitutional order extends beyond the Executive. When questioned about a potential referendum, GECOM’s Chairperson Claudette Singh remarkably passed the policy question to her CEO Vishnu Persaud – a technical officer with no constitutional authority to make such determinations. That Persaud then felt empowered to declare there isn’t “the slightest indication” of the need for a referendum GECOM “should focus on” mirrors the same governance dysfunction we see with Jagdeo making pronouncements that should come from President Ali. Persaud’s subsequent claims about required legislative changes, without specifying what changes, appears coordinated with Jagdeo’s “too complex” narrative, creating artificial barriers to public participation in this crucial national decision.
The Path Forward
The power of a constitutional referendum extends far beyond mere democratic process – it represents a potent negotiating tool that the government seems determined to avoid. A clear mandate from the people would provide unprecedented moral and political authority in any renegotiation attempts and demonstrate to international observers that Guyana can make sovereign decisions about its resources. The coordinated resistance from both government and electoral officials suggests a deliberate strategy of avoiding public empowerment that could force their hand with ExxonMobil.
As Guyana races toward becoming one of the world’s most significant per-capita oil producers, the synchronised opposition to a public vote from Vice President Jagdeo and the GECOM CEO, without intervention from their constitutional superiors, exposes a systematic effort to keep decisions about Guyana’s oil wealth within a tight circle of influence. Instead of embracing overwhelming public support to strengthen Guyana’s negotiating position, the administration has retreated behind claims that a referendum would be “too complex” to handle alongside general elections – an astounding admission of incompetence now being reinforced by bureaucratic obstacles from GECOM’s CEO.
Conclusion
If Guyanese society continues to accept this erosion of proper constitutional governance without protest, we risk not just our oil wealth but the entire framework of accountable government that should protect it.
The coordinated opposition to public participation in this critical national decision reveals a deeper malaise in our governance. When technical officers like GECOM’s CEO can make policy pronouncements, when a Vice President can dismiss constitutional mechanisms without presidential authority, and when the nation’s most valuable resource remains under a contract that 94% of citizens want renegotiated – and society remains largely mute – we are witnessing more than just institutional failure. This silence in the face of constitutional disorder sets a dangerous precedent for Guyana’s democratic future.
